My own journey into this particular work has been one of two seemingly diverse interests finally converging on a unique and interesting path. Although I have had a lifelong interest in travel and in the study of other cultures both ancient and modern, I chose as an undergraduate to follow my interest in, and aptitude for, mathematics and computer programming. After working for several years, I landed at the International Headquarters of a large corporation, working on business applications for overseas sales offices. This position gave me the opportunity to follow another passion - frequent travel to remote foreign countries. There I was able to meet and get to know people from cultures very different from my own, work with them, and learn a great deal from them. This job also gave me the opportunity to see, first hand, the impact that advancing technology was having on people and workplaces, as I installed new software systems and trained local users and programmers on them.
After working for ten years, I was eager to return to school as a graduate student, primarily for the purposes of enhancing my education and following up with my interest in Anthropology. At the time I had no particular thesis topic in mind, but during the course of my studies I pursued a number of different interests and possibilities. During this time I felt the need to try to combine various aspects of my life and find new directions that would be less compartmentalized and fragmented than they had been. I had also become very active on the Internet, taking a part-time job as a Web developer while I was attending classes, and joining a number of e-mail and USENET discussion groups.
I was beginning to see the potentials of combining Anthropology with technology; as the CD-ROM medium became prominent I thought about the possibilities of doing interactive ethnography, similar to ethnographic film, but which would allow the user to view cultural information at her own pace. I then produced one interactive ethnographic piece on the Experimental Music community in the San Francisco Bay Area. When I became aware of the existence of MUDs and MOOs I began to investigate them by obtaining characters on several different MOOs and participating in the communities therein. In November of 1995 I attended the American Anthropological Association conference in Washington, D.C, where I was able to attend a number of sessions on cyberspace culture and to learn about what other researchers in the area were doing. These sessions included "Communities of Technological Practice and the Design of Technology" (American Anthropological Association, 1995: 2), "Imagined Communities, Invented Connections: Creating Identity in High Tech Regions" (ibid: 18), "Constructions of Person, Self, and Identity in Cyberspace" (ibid: 28), "Technology and the Construction of Communities, Virtual and Physical" (ibid: 39), and "Cyborgs in Cyberspace or Humankind in Space and Time?: Rhetorics and Analytics of Cybertalk in General Anthropology" (ibid: 55)
Shortly thereafter, I began to find graphical virtual communities being discussed on the Web. One of these, ActiveWorlds' AlphaWorld, was available free to users. I obtained the software, created a character, and began to explore the environment. I realized at this point that virtual reality was going to be an important part of the future of online community. Since this medium is still in its early stages, it offers great opportunity for ethnographic research of the type I have conducted. In addition to AlphaWorld, many other graphical and three-dimensional virtual realms are being developed. I chose three of the most popular, AlphaWorld, WorldsAway's Dreamscape, and The Palace, to explore for this thesis.
Life on the Internet and the online population has been and remains to be a difficult area to measure and to keep up with (Wang, 1998). Some of the reasons for this are that things continue to change at a rapid pace, and new people are coming online every day. Companies who attempt to gather and analyze demographic statistic on the Internet and World Wide Web usage find a great challenge on their hands, and generally arrive at differing conclusions, depending on who you ask, and what their measurement techniques are.
While the business of obtaining Internet statistics is tricky, and there are a number of companies engaged in it, the Neilsen/NetRatings is considered to be one of the most reliable (ibid). A chart based on Nielsen's 1998 Internet Demographics study can be found in Appendix B. This information helps to establish some context as to who may be participating in worlds like the three described in this study. As we can see, the population is still primarily white, largely North American, and mainly middle class. John Suler offers the opinion that "These demographic features no doubt influence the social dynamics of cyberspace, as well as reveal how cyberspace reflects the global culture" (Suler, 1998). It is important to keep in mind, however, that the actual populations change daily. Companies like Nielsen and their competitors know this, and it is in fact their business to provide information to potential Internet marketers as to who their audience is likely to be (Wang, 1998).
I chose to conduct my research in AlphaWorld, the Dreamscape, and the Palace because these are three of the most popular virtual communities, and represent a wide variety of formats and capabilities. In order to establish history and context for each of these worlds, I draw upon my own observations and experiences in them, and upon histories and other writings that are published on the World Wide Web and in other sources. In so doing I have also attempted to present an overview of each world that shows its general nature and how it might be experienced by the user.
AlphaWorld was originally developed by a company called Worlds, Inc., that was founded in San Francisco, California in early 1994 as Knowledge Adventure Worlds (Mauz, 1999). From the start they were involved with developing new technologies for virtual experiences and were one of the first organizations to begin adding visual environments to multiple user, social virtual realities.
In 1995, Worlds, Inc. released a free beta version of software that would allow users access to AlphaWorld, the first fully functioning, online, three-dimensional virtual reality (ibid). Visually, AlphaWorld appears most like the "real world"; it has a sense of spatial perspective that is not present in the others (See Appendix C for graphical images of AlphaWorld). Inside AlphaWorld, each player chooses an avatar to represent him- or herself. An "avatar" is a cartoon-like character that can walk, turn, and fly around the space, controlled by the user's mouse and keyboard. When a player wishes to "speak", he types in a message and it is displayed on the screen for other players to read and respond to. In AlphaWorld, users (known locally as "citizens") are able to own land, build their own 3-D property, set up businesses, chat with other users, and form community as they see fit, as part of an environment shared with other citizens from anywhere in the physical world.
When I initially began working on AlphaWorld, it was still in a very beginning stage. There were few instructions available, and for the most part a new participant had to learn how to maneuver by "trial and error". This made the experience challenging and interesting, if a bit frustrating. As the software was developed further, it became easier to learn and use, which encouraged more and more new users to participate. As more "citizens" came to join the community, develop their property, and interact, difficulties began to arise about agreeing what the culture should be, and how social norms should be established and enforced. (New World Times, 1996). Early on, the newspaper editor, a prominent citizen named "Dataman", published an editorial titled "Anonymity is our Bane" (ibid: Issue #8). In it, he voiced his opinion that anonymity on AlphaWorld was causing problems when some citizens abused the privilege and would masquerade as another citizen or use a different name to cause trouble or vandalize others' properties. This article met with severe criticism when other citizens accused Dataman of being a "control freak" and "pro censorship" (ibid: Issue #9).
From the beginning, the community on AlphaWorld attempted to be self-governing and to make its own rules. In an attempt to address social problems, various groups sprang up on AlphaWorld, including a "Police Force", a "CIA", and an "FBI". On the other hand, there were also "gangs" who caused a great deal of trouble . Disruptive and offensive participants were sought out and punished; in one case an avatar named "Pharaoh" committed suicide, only to return as a new and equally objectionable character (ibid: Issue #10). Properties were built, wiped out, and rebuilt as the technology behind them advanced and new releases of the software were distributed.
Additional worlds were developed using the same technology, and collectively they became known as ActiveWorlds, still owned and run by Worlds, Inc. As time went on, many AlphaWorld citizens grew dissatisfied. In one interview, "Spring Dew" told me that:
The growing apathy displayed by Worlds, Inc for its users caused a great deal of uncertainty and anxiety, and Circle of Fire's buyout of the AlphaWorld technology gave a much-needed shot in the arm to the morale of the public at large. Since then ... they are rallying, and beginning to gain their second wind. ("Spring Dew", personal interview, August 2, 1997).
In February of 1997, Circle of Fire purchased ActiveWorlds. They are the current owners and stewards of the community. At present, registration and membership in ActiveWorlds costs $19.95 per year (ActiveWorlds, Inc. 1999).
The technology behind WorldsAway has quite a long history, as virtual worlds go. It is the third generation of technology that was originally developed in 1988 by Lucas Arts & Entertainment for an online world called Habitat (Fujistu, 1997). Fujitsu Business Systems of America licensed the Habitat software in 1989 and purchased all rights to it in 1993 (ibid). Over time, the technology evolved into WorldsAway 1.0, which was released in 1995 on CompuServe. Although WorldsAway was originally available only through CompuServe, in October of 1997, WorldsAway 2.0 was announced. This version ran through the World Wide Web, making it accessible to an increasingly greater number of users (ibid).
In May of 1999, the communities based on WorldsAway technology became a separate company, initially called Inworlds.com (Andrews, 1999). The company then changed its name to Avaterra.com, who is the currently owner and proprietor of the Dreamscape, along with the other worlds powered by WorldsAway. Currently, membership in and use of the Dreamscape costs $19.95 per month (Avaterra.com, 1999).
In contrast to a three-dimensional world, WorldsAway technology concentrates on the avatars and on interaction between them, rather than on background and environment. WorldsAway avatars each have four different facial expressions available, as well as a range of motions and gestures. There are a wide variety of bodies and heads to choose from, and the heads are interchangeable - that is, one avatar may own several heads, and wear one or the other as she chooses. While in WorldsAway, one sees one's own avatar on the screen along with the other avatars in the room, making it somewhat like looking at a cartoon strip (See Appendix C for graphical images of the Dreamscape). The environment is sometimes referred to as "2 1/2 dimensional", meaning that one object, or avatar, may move in front of or behind another, making it not quite 3-D, but yet slightly more complex than 2-D. Avatars can hold hands, kiss, and interact with each other while at the same time observing themselves as part of the action.
One world utilizing this technology is the Dreamscape, the world where I conducted this portion of my research. The Dreamscape is unique in that it comes with it's own built-in mythology. All events, interactions, and changes that take place in the Dreamscape attempt to incorporate themselves into the mythology as best as possible. All activity takes place on the island of Kymer, presided over by the ruler/God Morpheus, who takes care of the community by creating new facilities and capabilities as they are needed or wanted. Morpheus has representatives in the Dreamscape in the form of technically empowered Oracles (priests or priestesses), who act as the "official" keepers of the rules and facilitators of the culture on Kymer. Oracles perform tasks such as wedding ceremonies, officiating at other events, and dealing with troublemakers. Volunteer Acolytes, unofficial but recognized helpers who have some special capabilities assist them.
Although there is an official structure in place, the Oracle's intention is for social problems in the Dreamscape to be community-negotiated whenever possible (Richardson, 1997: 10). Disputes regularly arise between those who feel that the Internet should be a place for free self-expression and those who demand law enforcement by the Oracles and Acolytes whenever there is a transgression. These issues are also discussed in the WorldsAway online forums regularly.
The Palace was developed by Time-Warner, and was originally intended to be a place for playing games (Suler, 1997: 2). At that time, computer-based games were very popular, and the "Game Palace" would have been like a large, virtual mansion with board and table games, and a form of gambling, in addition to chat and social interaction. From the beginning, The Palace was intended for adults and was oriented for them (ibid: 3)
Although the "Game Palace" concept went by the wayside in favor of a more purely social environment, the developer of The Palace, Jim Bumgardner, maintained that the environment should keep an atmosphere of fun and fantasy. Participants were encouraged to drop their inhibitions, and feel free to "act out" and be naughty. Very unlike the other worlds I have explored, The Palace did not come with a set of rules or etiquette, but rather users were expected to "make what they would" of the experience (ibid). And rather than having only "canned" avatars available, users of The Palace were able to create their own avatars and other props using any hand made or scanned image.
The Palace virtual worlds are two-dimensional and appear "cartoonish" as you interact with others and with the environment (See Appendix C for graphical images of The Palace). The generic avatar is a round, smiley-face, which can be somewhat customized with color and expression if you are a member. However, most regular users prefer to create their own, unique avatar and other props, which gives the world a feeling of "anything goes".
Another unique feature of The Palace is that it is very easy for a user to create her own Palace environment on her own server. Many diverse Palace sites are now developed and in use throughout the world. These have a variety of themes, and like the avatars, are customizable by the creators of each world.
While this attitude of permissiveness certainly made The Palace very attractive to a wide range of people, the uninhibited behavior also resulted in a number of social difficulties. Early on, the developers began to realize that some form of social control would be needed. A Palace Community Standards news group was created on USENET, where users of The Palace could discuss these types of issues. Early incidents, including a virtual rape (Suler, 1997: 7), resulted in reduced anonymity and power for guests. A group of wizards was formed in order to help deal with troublemakers (ibid: 9-11).
As a more formal method of social control came into being, the basic "make what they will of it" premise of The Palace was being challenged. Users were creating and wearing obscene props, and outlaws, known as SNERTS - "snot-nosed, Eros-ridden teenagers" (ibid: 11) overran the servers. Debates arose over what exactly defined "indecent". Wizards attempted to enforce some general rules, while becoming increasingly overworked. Some pushed for more technical capability for social control to be built into the client software, so that each user could decide for himself (or his children) what might be visible or hidden (ibid: 12).
It appears that the problems of establishing social norms and rules, as well as deciding how they are to be enforced, have become central issues to each of these worlds, as they have in other online communities and, historically, in any "frontier" environment where groups moving into new territories attempted to sort out the various types of people present and their needs and motivations. By examining cultural formation in this new arena of graphical virtual reality, one of the principle aims of this study was to find out to what extent frontier mentality remains, even when the new territory is in virtual, rather than physical space.
Although I gathered data in a number of ways, I chose one on one interviewing as my primary source of information for this project. This was largely because I believed it would give me the opportunity to pursue more in-depth answers and to follow up on specific questions and any new information that each of my informants introduced. I was also hoping that firsthand accounts of cyberspace experiences would be comparable to firsthand accounts of the nineteenth century frontier experiences that I was reading about in my historical research.
By selecting the people that I did to interview, I was looking for a good cross section of the participants in virtual communities. I met them either in person or online through forums and organizations dedicated to specific worlds or to virtual worlds in general. As a result, my informants were to some extent self selected, due to their expressed interest in the subject matter. Most of my requests for interviews were gladly granted. Interestingly, however, a few potential informants turned me down, because they felt previous interviewers had misrepresented them. Partly as a result of this feedback, I emphasized to each of my interviewees that they would have an opportunity to review my research, and that they could request to have their information removed at any time.
In total, I interviewed thirteen informants. All except one are from the United States (the other being from The Netherlands), and all except one are involved with graphical virtual worlds (the other is involved with online chats and virtual classroom work). Their ages ranged from 14 to 53, and there were a total of five males and eight females. Their experience with virtual worlds covered a wide range, from relative newcomer to experienced system operators and "wizards" who actually create and help to run the worlds. Some informants preferred to use their real life first names in this thesis, while others preferred to be known by their avatars' names. In all cases I have honored their requests and they are known here as they asked to be known.